This paper addresses the issue of stranded modifiers and null heads through two otherwise unrelated constructions in Georgian. In each construction, a word in the oblique form modifies part of the complex word following it. It is shown that null modifiers in Georgian have a form different from that of the modifiers in the constructions at issue, and the latter cannot have null heads. However, Baker’s (1988) approach is not easily compatible with the derivational morphology of these examples. I propose an analysis in terms of Beard (1991), which addresses other bracketing paradoxes by permitting “the semantic features of an attribute [to] subjoin with one and only one semantic feature of its head” (1991: 208). In this way I suggest a unified analysis of the two construction types, drawing on a mechanism that must be included in the grammar for non-derived words as well.