SULA 2
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2003-01-01
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SULA 2 Front Matter
Anderssen, Jan; Menéndez-Benito, Paula; Werle, Adam
Imperfectivity in Squamish
Bar-el, Leora
This paper investigates the semantics of two imperfective morphemes in Squamish. I show that one of these morphemes, a reduplicant, yields continuous and stative readings, while the other, an auxiliary, yields continuous, stative and habitual readings. I propose that these morphemes are the Squamish progressive marker and the general imperfective marker, respectively. I argue that the progressive morpheme removes the initial state component of a predicate to derive the readings associated with this type of reduplication. I further propose that the readings associated with the imperfective morpheme might be explained by generic quantification.
Propositional- and illocutionary-level evidentiality in Cuzco Quechua
Faller, Martina
This paper discusses the differences between two grammatical means of conveying evidential contrasts in Cuzco Quechua, and argues that evidential interpretations can arise on different levels of meaning. In Quechua, evidential contrasts are encoded on the illocutionary level by a set of evidential enclitics. Evidential interpretations also arise with the past tense marker -sqa. These, it will be argued, are not encoded by -sqa but arise indirectly from an additional spatial meaning component, which requires that the described eventuality be located outside the speaker’s perceptual field at topic time. It is hypothesized that the distinction between illocutionary-level and event-level evidentiality is of cross-linguistic relevance.
The semantics of discontinuous noun phrases in Quechua
Hastings, Rachel
In Cuzco Quechua there is a construction in which elements that typically appear noun phrase-internally may appear outside the noun phrase while receiving the same Casemarking as the noun. In this paper I look at the semantics and syntax of this discontinuous noun phrase construction. I argue that when an adjective or a quantifier appears outside the noun phrase it is also interpreted externally and not in a possible base position within the noun phrase itself. I adopt this analysis to explain data in which the discontinuous noun phrase is interpreted as necessarily indefinite. I also examine the behavior of an apparently exceptional universal quantifier sapa ‘each’ which cannot participate in the discontinuous construction. I explain this distribution of sapa, which differs from that of other universal quantifiers, by proposing that the basic use of sapa is as a quantifier over adverbial phrases.
Demonstrative pseudo-binding in San Lucas Quiaviní Zapotec
Lee, Felicia
Pronouns in San Lucas Quiaviní Zapotec (SLQZ), an Otomanguean language of southern Mexico, are subject to Principle C, rather than Principle B, and resist A' as well as A-binding. However, they may be coreferenced with ccommanding lexical demonstratives. Demonstratives crosslinguistically show anomalous coreference behavior; this paper shows that SLQZ pronouns are themselves nonquantificational demonstratives. This proposal will also shed light on the debate over whether demonstratives should be classified as quantificational or nonquantificational: I will argue that SLQZ shows that both types exist, and their quantification properties (or lack of them) are responsible for the possible coreference relations between them.