Pronouns in San Lucas Quiaviní Zapotec (SLQZ), an Otomanguean language of southern Mexico, are subject to Principle C, rather than Principle B, and resist A' as well as A-binding. However, they may be coreferenced with ccommanding lexical demonstratives. Demonstratives crosslinguistically show anomalous coreference behavior; this paper shows that SLQZ pronouns are themselves nonquantificational demonstratives. This proposal will also shed light on the debate over whether demonstratives should be classified as quantificational or nonquantificational: I will argue that SLQZ shows that both types exist, and their quantification properties (or lack of them) are responsible for the possible coreference relations between them.